Washington, DC — Ana Rita Geremias Sithole is visiting the United States on a three-week study tour with eight other female African leaders as a part of the U.S. State Department's International Visitor Program. The program was established to promote mutual understanding and to create a forum for cultural exchange.
Sithole is currenly a member of Mozambique's parliament and a candidate for re-election in the country's December elections. Looking forward to her upcoming re-election campaign, she spoke with AllAfrica's Gala Goodwin about her country's history, economy, and educational system. Excerpts:
Since the end of Mozambique's civil war and the flooding that destroyed so much of its economy and infrastructure, how has the country coped with the challenges of rebuilding the country?
Mozambique is known as one of the very successful experiences in post war development. We had sixteen years of civil war and in 1992 we had a peace agreement. Since then, Mozambique has been safe [and] stable, and the economy is flourishing.
In the past, the port of Beira has been instrumental in supporting the economic growth of Mozambique. Since the recent economic decline in Zimbabwe, has there been a parallel decline in Mozambique?
Mozambique has a long coast. We have three big ports: Maputo, Beira, Nacala. The Beira port is the one the inland countries of southern Africa rely on. That's Zimbabwe, Malawi and Zambia. So if there is this kind of economic and political instability in Zimbabwe, it affects us. That's not the only one or the biggest one. One in the north of Mozambique and one in the south of Mozambique, but it does affect us.
What is the current status of Mozambique's economy? How are reforms in the cashew industry going?
We had a very big situation with floods in 2000. Our economy was growing in terms of rural development, road construction, public facilities, schools and primary health centers. Then we had these bad floods and everything was destroyed. The road network was affected badly; we had to start over again. This means all means we had for reconstructions and for other things were put back to road network reconstruction. I think we've overcome it. So things are going smoothly again.
The cashew problem has to do with [the World Bank and International Monetary Fund]: `You want funds for your economy, then you have to fulfill our requirements.' One of the objectives of this economic re-stratification program is privatization. We have to go on with this not only in the cashew industry but also in almost all the big industries in Mozambique. Cashews were affected the most. Many factories were being closed because the new owners of those factories did not agree with what was settled. Before there was a lot of labor, then they had to reduce to half or maybe one-thirds. So you find many Mozambicans were unemployed because of privatization of the cashew industry. And cashews were one of our major exports. It was affected for some time. Now, I think from the last two years, we've managed to control again the cashew industry. We're exporting again.
How have you been able to recapture those sales and return to exporting cashews?
There is a new policy of dealing with [the] private sector. We were looking at the public sectors only, and then the state is not able to do everything. We came to a decision that we have to combine private and public activities and give more emphasis in the private sector.
We find things are changing now. Most of the people are more interested in developing their own properties. Then, they create [the] situation of giving access to Mozambicans. You'll find that things are changing, in that you don't rely only on government like we used to do before. Now, it's market-oriented policy. So we have opened doors for nationals to develop - even starting from small business - but they are coming up. And women are on the rise.
You taught at Eduardo Mondlane University (UEM), which in the past was very discriminatory toward black Mozambicans. What was your experience?
I was trained in a system where blacks were a very, very big [majority] in my country. In 1975, Mozambique got independence. Less than one-third [of the] people in the university [were black]. From 1975-1977, the main objective of the government, in terms of education, was to open access in terms of enrollment for everybody to get to school. [There were] not enough schools [and] not enough teachers.
I was in my first year of college. Samora Machel was president at that time. He closed all the universities and high schools. Then the objective was secondary education for everybody. So that's when I had to be trained as a teacher. I started teaching from there on. I postponed my graduation for four years, and had to go to teach secondary school. Since I was doing engineering, I choose to teach science, and then I taught math, physics, and chemistry. After five years, the situation was almost calm. Then there was a decision from the government [that] those who postponed their graduation should go back and finish their degrees. I went back to my university and finished my degree in chemistry. Then I was sent to [the] UK for my master's degree in education. That's why I teach.
But you don't talk about a lot of discriminatory education in my country. Since then, there is nothing to do with whites or blacks or tribes - it's just a national plan. Of course, we don't have enough schools. Many people are sent abroad. In those days, we used to have eastern Europe, Russia and those countries. Cuba - our kids were sent there for secondary education. Most of these people are already back in Mozambique. They have different skills. We no longer have such a problem of lack of teachers in Mozambique. But we have lack of space for children. On the primary school level, we need to build more. Our growth rate is too big compared to the facilities we provide.
In Mozambique, the proportion of female students has gradually increased since 1992. Can you say that your involvement with the Ministry of Education has been pivotal to that increase?
Yes, there is a problem. According to data and research we made, we find that although the population of girls is higher than boys, they both start primary school. However, in the end of primary school less than 25 percent of girls finish. Boys go on to the university. There is a study we took with the Ministry of Education. We found that we have to change our national curriculum. We have to give more emphasis [to] girls' education. We have to take into account gender balance.
This is the third year the new curriculum has been set. We give priority to girls' education, but it means enrollment and retention and completion. We don't just talk about enrollment because we found out that many girls are enrolled, but then we have a big rate of dropouts. Why? Because girls are meant to help their moms at home with housework. With girls, they get married very early at the age of twelve or thirteen years and so forth. Now, we promote a lot of facilities for those families who guarantee that their daughters will remain in school until they finish either primary or secondary level, even higher education.
Along with building facilities and changing the curriculum, are there other ways that you think the government can place a greater emphasis on education?
In teacher training, we also have to pay attention [to] women. The way the syllabus works, we give more facilities for women teachers to come on the books. Before it was different - you rarely see women in that book. The more women get access to education, the more development [is] provided in that specific area. That's why we don't say it's only a problem of the government itself, but civil society. This is discussion that should be taken either through church [or] other influential ways that people will keep on saying, `We have to be educated! We need to get more girls in schools. We have to give facilities for single mothers.' They have to develop themselves, but they have to be sure that their kids go to school. Otherwise, they will have the same problem she has. So education is our main problem.
Can you elaborate on women's role in Mozambican politics?
We are known as the biggest percentage of women parliamentarians in our region, maybe in Africa, actually. I've been in Parliament for ten years now. We are having elections in December. This is the end of the second term. What I've found is that we can use our nature - feminism - to lobby in terms of influencing policies. We can use that power we have, but there is a hang up again. Uneducated women cannot promote change. You just sit there and clap hands, and you don't go straightforward.
We have to be clear that when a woman is appointed to cabinet or something doesn't mean she will help women. It shows in practice. That's why sometimes we say, "She became a man!" Once she's nominated, she forgets about women. But that's the right thing. You can't be a minister just for women. You have to minister for developing the economy.
Now, the question of education again! We have to be more effective [and] efficient. In making laws, we have to educate ourselves. After ten years of being in the parliament, I found it very exciting, but I think we have to look forward within Africa. We need to have trained women. The problem is quality neither quantity. So, that's my feeling.
What other issues do you want to bring to the forefront within Africa?
Legal education. We have to be more efficient in legal acknowledgement. There are so many things that are provided by the law. There is a problem of law enforcement. Sometimes we end up with discrimination, sometimes we end up with violence - family and domestic - just because we don't know the law and it's there. There's no need to pass new bills in the congress or in the parliament when we're not ready to fulfill, because we don't know about it. We need to tackle legal education. I think there are some primary things every citizen should exercise: knowing what I'm supposed to do with my freedom and where your freedom stands.
How do you propose to educate your constituents about Mozambique's laws?
We have to give more emphasis [to] the involvement of civil society. You don't have to go to university either. We have law faculty, but we have to make sure that civic education is something which we deal with everywhere in public life, schools [and] churches. Churches in Mozambique have a big influence on people either Muslim, Catholic, Presbyterian, or Methodist like I am, but we have to give more emphasis in civic education.
We have to be proud of being Mozambican, first of all. Afterwards, we have to unite with others, but we have to be proud regardless of my sex, my religious affiliation and my party. We have to exercise citizenship. We have to know about our constitution, our national flag and our national anthem. This kind of awareness is good for everyone.
What has been your experience in the United States thus far?
It's quite different. A week now going around in Washington DC, we have heard discussions. Very enriching, of course, but you need to know more about us. We study more about international affairs than you do. That's why sometimes, when you talk to us, you don't have the idea that we know so much about what's going on here.
Then, I found that the biggest thing probably, you have here that we don't have in our country is freedom of speech, freedom of residing, freedom of doing whatever you feel. Our countries have more government-oriented, centralized programs. There is a little space for freedom individually. We don't act individually, but we know [more] about what is going on than you do.
We are having general elections in Mozambique. In respect to the situation you had last time in Florida, for Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa, it would be a big issue for you - the U.S. and NGOs - if it happened there. If that happened in an underdeveloped country, it would be a big issue. And then probably aid would be cut off. Just because we did so in our elections, the world couldn't recognize the results of that election if that happened in Africa. When I'm in my country, this is nothing to worry about. Let us go forward because this can be sorted out! We can't stop the whole process just because someone is not happy with the results.
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Why do you think aid would have been cut off if the debate over the 2000 U.S. presidential election had happened in Africa?
Because we deal with NGOs who are from USAID. We deal with the International Monetary Fund. We deal with the World Bank. They are our biggest funders for different reasons. One of their problems is transparency - the government has to make sure it's transparent. Good governance means democracy. Elections must be free and fair. That's why if that happened in a country like mine it would be a big issue. The World Bank would probably say, "We'll stop now because your elections were not free and fair!" But I found here that's it nothing, just something that happens. It doesn't affect the state of the federal government.
What do you hope to achieve by coming together with other female African leaders during this trip?
We need to do more in terms of networking. We have a lack of communication amongst ourselves, even Africans. We need to network more than before so that we exchange our experiences, share our visions about the future development of our country, and, of course, that women ourselves would become policy and decision makers.
Do you expect to use this experience to propel your efforts in Mozambique and advocate for women?
I think being a politician, I have no choice! Of course, I'm on it! I think this will help me to discuss with my women counterparts, at the parliamentary and executive level, but it doesn't have an effect if we don't consider national feelings. When we work towards specific ambitions, we need in any country - regardless of our political affiliations - as women, we have to unite in our goal. And if we go to the assumption that the more women have access to the level of policy-making, change will be there and we will transform the world.
I hope that we all have the same feeling. As women you don't have to talk up about women's development in terms of feminism, but let's seek development. In most of our societies, women are more than men. It means: the voice of the mother is very important everywhere so let's get trained, let us discuss openly with everyone, by taking into account that a mother in Africa, a mother in Europe, a mother in the United States of America [and] everywhere is just mother. She's the one who feeds, who looks for clothing, the one who looks for everything for the kid. The woman has the society in her hands.
