Africa: 'We Demand' - a Collective Statement to the African Union

A movement of dozens of African civil society groups call on the AU to take actions in pursuit of climate justice, peace, and equality.

We, the members of the African Movement Building Space, believe that the magnitude of the crises we face demands systemic change that results in the creation of sustainable societies and new relations between human beings and nature, based on equality and reciprocity.

We present this with a profound sense of duty and responsibility towards the African continent's future. As we stand at the cusp of transformative change, it is imperative that our voices, representing a diverse mosaic of cultures, communities, and interests, must be heard. Our statement encapsulates the critical issues that must be addressed to realise the sustainable development and prosperity of Africa.

This declaration sets forth the aspirations and commitments of the African people, delineating a forward path that Africa must embark on for its prosperity and autonomy. We assert the critical necessity for Africa to chart its own destiny, a journey defined by self-reliance, unity, and a shared vision for the future.

We demand (click to expand each section):

Energy ⇓For six decades of independence, fossil fuels have failed to power our continent. Leaving 600 million without energy access and 950 million inhaling toxic fumes every day from dirty cooking sources. We call for an immediate halt to the expansion of fossil fuel extraction and advocate for a swift and just transition away from the current production of oil, gas, and coal in Africa towards renewable energy for all.

Support is essential for communities on the front lines of opposing extraction efforts. With its unparalleled solar and wind resources, Africa can fulfil its energy needs through renewable sources that are sustainable, community-focused, and environmentally friendly.

The transition to a 100% renewable energy framework should prioritise energy sovereignty and democracy, encouraging local and diverse ownership, and we recognise that international cooperation, finance and technology transfers are essential to realise this transition. Massive growth in financial investment into renewable energy is required in Africa to address the severe underfinance the continent has suffered. This approach aims to move away from the monopolistic tendencies seen in past fossil fuel-based energy systems and to ensure the protection of human, land, and indigenous rights, especially concerning the extraction and use of critical minerals.

Africa's vision must include leveraging Africa's strategic minerals to enhance value, fostering intercontinental connections, and supporting the continent's development through local manufacturing and utilisation of renewable energy components.

We oppose the existing energy paradigm that perpetuates inequality, where energy infrastructure is developed, owned, and operated for the benefit of a select few, systematically excluding significant portions of the population, especially those in impoverished and rural areas, from accessing energy.

Economic Justice ⇓Africa cannot reproduce the extractive economic model that destroyed our ecosystems and resulted in food and energy insecurity, poverty, socio-economic exclusion, and conflicts as well as economic and ecological destruction. African economies have been locked at the bottom of the global value chain since colonial times. Africa cannot continue to be the continent that provides cheap raw materials for other nations to feed their industrial development. We cannot continue to be the consumers of other nations' industrial output. And we cannot continue to be the dumping ground for obsolete technologies and low-cost assembly line manufacturing.

To deliver economic justice to the African people, our leaders must put in place a long-term strategic plan for Pan-African industrialisation that leverages the complementarity of our resources and capabilities to manufacture and deploy clean energy, clean cooking, and clean transportation, public infrastructure, and the building blocks of development and prosperity for the continent. A just economic system must not only create the millions of jobs needed for our youth, but also guarantee the right to decent working conditions, livable wages, social protections, and dignified retirement benefits. Our local communities must be enabled to prosper and thrive in a sustainable, regenerative and circular economic system that respects the rights of people and the planet.

Debt Justice ⇓

Africa therefore needs a strong, dependable, and friendly financial institution that will help it access capital to finance its Agenda 2063. The establishment of the AU Financial Institutions (AUFIs) is overdue even after the adoption of the legal instruments for the establishment of the African Investment Bank (AIB) and the African Monetary Fund (AMF) in 2009 and 2014 respectively.
We call on AU member states to help in formulating a strategy to generate the much-needed consensus and enhanced political will on key issues and galvanise the momentum towards the establishment of the AUFIs. The establishment of these institutions will give Africa a stronger voice in international financial organisations, allowing it to better shape global economic policies.
Over the years, African countries have been put under pressure to review and renegotiate their foreign debts to avoid default from the Bretton-Woods institutions and commercial lenders. Today, at least 23 low-income countries in Africa are facing a debt crisis as they are expected to pay more than $68.9 billion in external debt service. We, therefore, ask the AU to put extra pressure on lenders to avoid exerting financial vulnerability syndrome on African states.
In addition, we call for a comprehensive and systematic response to the incipient debt crisis outside the default framework to create fiscal space for the financial development of Agenda 2063. Transparency and accountability in debt registries across the region should be encouraged which is fundamental in in-depth debt statistics compilation. We therefore ask the AU to champion the inception of the Africa Debt Monitoring Mechanism (ADMM) which has the potential to contribute to enhancing publicly available debt data in Africa thereby enhancing the momentum around establishing debt registries in African countries.
We call for a coordinated approach pegged on a unified strategy when it comes to debt management in Africa. African economies, through the guidance of the AU, should adopt new strategies in engaging both the commercial and private creditors in debt restructuring and monitoring including value recovery instruments, cash equivalents, credit enhancement, and loss reinstatements, among others. However, these tools should match the Africa Central Bank's capacity to adapt and implement the macro-prudential rules while retaining their independence from the influence of the lenders. We therefore call for the AU to coordinate with its member countries in having a collective bargaining approach to Africa's debt restructuring or relief processes including the G-20 common framework.

Tax Justice ⇓Cognisant that taxation is the most significant, sustainable and accountable instrument of a just, democratic and transformative public finance system to mobilise resources for service delivery and infrastructure; we call upon the AU to:

Enhance Tax Governance and Administration by providing technical assistance and capacity building to African nations to strengthen their tax administration systems and improve tax collection.
Foster African Unity on International Tax Reforms and International Tax Reform by encouraging African countries to coordinate their efforts in advocating for equitable reforms to the international financial architecture and to facilitate collaboration among African countries to review and revise double taxation agreements to prevent tax avoidance and evasion.
Accelerate the Implementation of the AU Tax Strategy through monitoring progress and provide incentives for African countries to swiftly implement the goals of the AU Tax Strategy.
Promote Inclusivity in Global Tax Rule-making: Urge African countries to advocate for fair representation and participation in global tax policy discussions.
Prepare for the Digital Economy and Multinational Taxation Continue sensitising African countries on best practices for taxing digital platforms and multinational corporations/enterprises, ensuring equitable revenue sharing.
Tax Policy Reform: encourage countries to conduct comprehensive reviews of their tax incentive regimes to ensure alignment with national development priorities and revenue targets.
Engage with African countries to raise awareness of the importance of optimising natural resource taxation.

Education ⇓The illiteracy rate of 15 years and older in Africa stands at a discouraging 32%. This alarming statistic reflects the urgent need for heads of state attending the African Union to recognise the inadequacy of our education system.

We the people of Africa are acutely aware that the current education system is not fit for purpose for the continent. Access to education remains a major challenge as it is prohibitively expensive for many, excluding large segments of the population from acquiring knowledge and skills.

Urgent steps must be taken to ensure universal access to education, regardless of socio-economic background. It is crucial to Africanise the curriculum to reflect our unique context, realities, and challenges. By incorporating indigenous and traditional knowledge systems into our education system, we can preserve our heritage and empower future generations with a deep understanding of our rich culture and history.

Emphasis must be placed on delivering a quality education that equips African youth with the necessary skills and competencies to thrive in a rapidly changing world. By addressing these key issues, we can pave the way for a transformative and inclusive education system that truly serves the needs and aspirations of the African continent.

Freedom of Movement ⇓Lack of access to our continent and its resources mirrors the exclusionary practices imposed by colonial visas and border restrictions. When we talk about Borderless Africa for Africans, we mean the complete freedom of movement of African people in Africa, freedom to trade and work, all geared towards African unity which is our only path to prosperity and power. This must be a top priority for African people and leaders. It makes no sense whatsoever that colonial borders which were created to divide and conquer us, splitting families and in some cases households across arbitrary lines have been jealously maintained and guarded by our own leaders. One wonders then who it is they truly work for. Ironically the same people who created those borders have largely removed their own borders, and yet tend to have even more access to Africa than Africans themselves.

The data is clear: freedom of movement is an economic game changer as it would catalyse trade and development, cultural harmony, peace and prosperity. From its systems perspective, within the framework of climate-friendly economic industrialisation, a single currency, and a unified vision, we would once again show that Africa is capable of managing its affairs.

Democracy and Rule of Law ⇓The establishment of the AU as the successor to the Organisation of African Unity created a prevailing optimism that it would elevate the promotion of human rights and democracy. This heightened enthusiasm stemmed from what seemed to be the AU's more progressive posture towards human rights and democratic principles, as espoused under the African Charter on Human and People's Rights. Undoubtedly, democracy stands as the preeminent guarantor of the rule of law, yet many African nations find themselves mired in an enduring struggle against authoritarianism, failing to embrace the democratic rule of law.

Regrettably, a significant number of countries on the continent still grapple with the absence of democratic governance, evidenced by rampant human rights violations,, governance failures, corruption, and a blatant disregard for constitutional supremacy, the autonomy of the judiciary and democratic institutions and electoral malpractices. Within the intricate fabric of African political dynamics, elections serve a dichotomous role as a vehicle for peacebuilding and a potential catalyst for conflict, reflecting the complex nature of the African political landscape.

In parallel to these challenges, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance (ACDEG) exists, embodying a distinct African vision of constitutionalism, the rule of law, democracy, elections, and governance. The intertwined nature of constitutionalism, democracy, and good governance is a cornerstone of this conceptual framework. However, the AU, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and their member states have regrettably fallen short in effectively fulfilling their roles in implementing the ACDEG.

It is therefore our strong belief that the AU's triumph or failure is intrinsically tied to the human rights track record of its member states and the perceived or actual reliance of elites within these states on violations of human rights.

The imperative now lies in a concerted effort by the AU, RECs, and member states to redouble their commitment to the principles enshrined in the ACDEG, thereby charting a course toward a future where human rights, democracy, and the rule of law flourish across the African continent.

Adaptation ⇓With rising climate impacts such as droughts, floods, cyclones, and more, the need for Africa to adapt grows more urgent. Despite contributing less than 4% to global emissions, Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate impacts due to historical, structural, and development factors, combined with its reliance on climate sensitive sectors. These impacts are only expected to become more frequent and severe, with the continent warming at a rate that is almost double the global average.

Although adaptation is the second long-term goal of the Paris Agreement, the issue continues to be side-lined in multilateral climate agendas and action. This is reflected in the fact that global progress in planning, implementation and finance for adaptation has plateaued. However, African countries can no longer afford to solely bear the costs of adaptation or receive the majority of adaptation funding in the form of loans, exacerbating the debt situation in many African countries.

Mitigation of the climate crisis is therefore no longer enough. African countries must reprioritise adaptation to the top of its and the global agenda to accelerate their resilience-building efforts. We call on African leaders to drive the adaptation agenda forward in 2024 by:

Placing adaptation at the top of the AU's agenda and clearly articulating the urgency of Africa's adaptation needs.
Calling for developed nations to increase finance and investments for adaptation and fulfil their Glasgow commitment to double adaptation finance by 2025. African countries must drive the setting of an ambitious adaptation sub-goal as part of the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance. Further financing for adaptation must be additional, fair, debt-free, grant-based, and accessible.
Reframing the adaptation narrative to one that reprioritises and places adaptation on an equal footing to mitigation. African leaders must recognise and advocate for the inherent link between adaptation and sustainable development, and the link between adaptation, equity, and justice issues. Integrating adaptation into the Just Transition Work Programme and partnerships with developed nations is another opportunity to accelerate the adaptation agenda.
Accelerating the development of National Adaptation Plans (NAPS) and aligning these plans with the development of countries' new Nationally Determined Contributions in 2024. African leaders must continue to call on developed nations to provide the necessary technical and financial support to formulate their NAPs, while also exchanging knowledge, support, and expertise with each other. NAPs must recognise land rights for vulnerable groups, agroecology and food sovereignty, and protection of ecosystems and resources such as water as crucial adaptation interventions.

Food Sovereignty ⇓The often interrelated challenges associated with agriculture and food systems in Africa require urgent attention. The number of undernourished people in the world has been on the rise since 2019. The 2023 State of Food and Nutrition Report puts the number of people facing hunger at 122 million, noting that low-income households living in peri-urban and rural areas are especially disadvantaged, as they would need to more than double their current expenditure on food to secure a healthy diet. It also calls for a reorientation of food systems.

We therefore call on African leaders to:

Launch a transition of agriculture and food systems from extractive industrial systems and adopt agroecology and food sovereignty. Agroecology offers a sustainable and holistic approach to agriculture that can effectively address climate change challenges while ensuring food sovereignty, healthy diets, healthy soils, and the promotion of territorial markets and improved livelihoods. Agroecology prioritises the needs and knowledge of small-scale farmers, indigenous peoples, and women, often marginalised in conventional agriculture systems. It fosters social and economic equity, which is crucial for building resilience in vulnerable communities.
Adopt policies and incentives that target the production, processing, storage, and marketing of agroecologically produced foods with native seeds and ecologically sustainable fertilisers and pesticides. Such a transformation will enable Africa to escape from being highly vulnerable to food imports and dependent on food aid, as well as on costly and toxic agrochemicals that degrade soils and reduce biodiversity.
Commit finance to agroecological food production methods to meet the needs of people and local communities. There is an urgent need for a deliberate increase in financing for small-scale farmers, fishers, pastoralists, and indigenous communities, especially in developing countries, to deliver sustainable food systems and adapt to climate change.

Gender Justice and Inclusion ⇓We note the rising anti-LGBTQ sentiments on the continent with the adoption of anti-LGBTQ laws in Uganda, Ghana, Kenya, Niger, Tanzania and Namibia.

The African Movement building space:

Recognises the right of people with diverse gender and sexual orientations to exist free of discrimination and opposes
Recognises the right of all LGBTQ people to access gender-affirming healthcare and mental health services.
Opposes any practices aimed at changing one's sexual orientation or gender identity in the name of conversion therapy

We call on all African governments to publicly acknowledge, protect and promote the human rights of all people without discrimination including that of LGBTQ people and must repeal and refrain from criminalising same sex conduct.

African countries have committed to promoting gender equality and empowerment of women through the ratification of Convention of Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women. Others have ratified African Union Protocol of Rights of Women in Africa. Even with the ratified conventions, African women, feminists and young girls remans unrecognised in their contributions to revolutions, economic development, equitable share of resources, access to resources such as land.

It is imperative to note that the current economic crisis within the region has exacerbated the inequalities. For instance, African governments are implementing austerity measures at the expense of investment in vital public services. These measures have hugely gendered impacts that impede the realisation of women's and girls' rights. The most common austerity policies manifesting in Africa are characterised primarily by rapid and significant cuts in government spending on areas such as health, education, and social protection.

In the realm of the climate crisis, women and young girls continue to suffer primarily as they constitute the majority of the world's poor and are more dependent for their livelihood on natural resources that are threatened by climate change. Furthermore, they face social, economic, and political barriers that limit their coping capacity. In rural areas they are highly dependent on local natural resources for their livelihood. Those charged with the responsibility to secure water, food, and fuel for cooking and heating face the greatest challenges coupled with unequal access to resources and to decision-making processes. Limited mobility places women in rural areas in a position where they are disproportionately affected by climate change.

We interrogate the status of gender equality and inclusion in the envisaged African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) taking into account that women and youth voices seldom reverberate within the continental free trade conversations.

To address gender justice within the region, African leaders should:

Include women and young people in climate change decision-making, build their capacity, promote local investment in the green and blue economy. Commit to the inclusion of African women leadership in climate negotiations and promote the decentralisation of funds including gender-just financing schemes in all climate actions, and provide flexible and simple processes for adequate and sustainable funding for climate actions.
Embrace feminist approaches to climate justice, the much-needed vehicle that will promote and secure inclusive and sustainable development for people and the planet. The need and aspirations of African people to secure a dignified life, free from colonial oppression and unsustainable extraction and plundering of natural resources, can only be attained when a transformative and system wide approach is at the centre of analysis, planning, designing and execution of development plans and climate actions. An approach that prioritises local ownership and participation in adaptation and mitigation projects that deliver on economic security, affordable energy, healthier communities and sustainable growth.
Update traditional laws and customs to ensure women can inherit land and have land rights on their own.
Operationalise the AfCFTA and make it practical by removing systemic and structural barriers existing trade regimes that make it impossible to navigate African borders. Focus on macro trade level for women, but promote central banks, customs unions and key trade stakeholders. Ensure peace within and between countries.

Peace, Security, and Stability ⇓We note the various conflicts and other challenges to peace, security, and stability that the continent is facing, especially in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel and the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Additionally, we note those member states that have closed their mutual borders, as well as the tension caused by the current dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia. We deplore the appalling loss of lives, limbs, conflict-related sexual violence, loss of livelihoods, internal displacement and outflows of refugees and asylum seekers, especially within the Horn of Africa and from there to Central and Northern Africa. The numbers recorded by various organs and institutions of the AU and UN are staggering.

We acknowledge the efforts that have been made, to date, by the Chairperson of the AU Commission (AUC), the AU Peace and Security Council (AU-PSC), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and other African and non-African actors and institutions.

We take note of the efforts by ECOWAS to respond to the unfolding crisis in Senegal, following President Macky Sall's announcement of the postponement of elections scheduled for late-February. We welcome the reported scheduled meeting on the margins of the 37th AU Summit between President Sall and President Bola Tinubu, the chair of ECOWAS.

Without prejudice to the above, and in specific regard to the conflict and crisis in Sudan, we acknowledge, in particular, the convening of the AU-PSC at Head of State level by Uganda; and also the initiatives of the IGAD Heads of State. We also note the recent appointment, by the AUC Chairperson, of an Eminent Panel of three mediators for Sudan.

We regret that all the above efforts have not yet yielded peace, and in the case of Sudan, has not even yielded a sustainable ceasefire. We therefore strongly urge the apex leadership of the AU to step in and exercise direct leadership and supervision of the peace initiatives.

We recommend that:

In respect of the Horn of Africa generally:

Member states should consider a non-alignment strategy to the conflicts in the region and collectively condemn the actions and work towards resolving them.

The AU should harmonise and coordinate efforts between the regional mechanism and the AU in the promotion of peace, security and stability in the region.

The AU should foster regional dialogue and strengthen cooperation as well as coordinate partnerships in conflict prevention and peace-building in the region.

In respect of Ethiopia:

The AU should engage in mediation efforts between Somalia, Somaliland and Ethiopia to address territorial integrity issues and prevent cross border disagreements from escalating as a result of Ethiopia's access to the seas/oceans.

The AU should provide technical assistance and support for Ethiopia's transitional justice and accountability processes, including initiatives related to the Pretoria Agreement, to foster reconciliation and stability within the country.

In respect of Somalia:

The AU should extend and strengthen the mandate of ATMIS (AU Transition Mission in Somalia) beyond its current timeline to ensure a smooth transition and prevent security vacuums.

The AU should strengthen coordination with regional and international partners to address security challenges in Somalia, including countering the threat posed by al-Shabaab and supporting efforts to build capable and accountable security forces, post-ATMIS.

In respect of Sudan:

The AU should consider all tools at its disposal, including provisions within its Constitutive Act - particularly Article 4(h) - and also the Protocol on the establishment of the Peace and Security Council, to protect civilians and open humanitarian access/corridors.

The AU should re-equip the Quartet to ensure its functionality. Aware of the AU Peace Fund, we call upon the AU to facilitate the peace processes by equipping available initiates like the Quartet to fulfil their obligations.

The Assembly of Heads of State and Government should appoint, from amongst its members, a Committee of Three Heads of State to superintend the mediation process, regularly reporting back to the Assembly.

In respect of South Sudan:

The AU should increase support for South Sudan's upcoming elections to ensure they are free, fair and credible. This would thereby prevent potential regression into conflict.

The AU should strengthen the monitoring and oversight mechanisms to ensure compliance with peace agreements and prevent violations, including the monitoring and evaluation of the reunification of forces and disarmament efforts.

The AU should ensure the inclusion of women and youth in peacebuilding and decision-making processes in South Sudan, recognising their crucial roles in building and sustaining peace.

In respect of the DRC:

AU Heads of State and Government should take a strong leadership role in coordination with ongoing regional efforts to secure a ceasefire and end the conflict in Eastern DRC.

In respect of the Sahel:

The AU Heads of State and Government should engage the de facto administrations and also the people of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to reconsider the decision announced to withdraw from ECOWAS

The AU should urge the transition authorities to respect human and peoples' rights and in particular the freedoms of expression and assembly.

The AU should urge the transition authorities to establish predictable timelines for conducting elections and the transfer of power back to civilian leadership.

The AU should urge the government of Burkina Faso to release civilians abducted and conscripted to the government-led counter-terrorism operations, including Dr Dauda Diallo, abducted in December 2023.

In respect of Senegal:

AU Heads of State and Government should urge President Macky Sall to abide by the decision of the Constitution Council of 15 February 2024, setting aside the postponement of the election and to organise the election as soon as possible.

The AU should urge Senegalese governmental authorities to ensure restraint by their security forces when managing citizen demonstrations and for accountability where excessive force has been used.

The AU should call for the release of political prisoners and citizen demonstrators.

The AU should support ECOWAS leadership in its efforts to restore the rule of law and the democratic path in Senegal.

Read the original of this report, including embedded links and illustrations, on the African Arguments site.

Africa: 'We Demand' - a Collective Statement to the African Union

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