Twenty-five years into democracy, women remain underrepresented in elective offices. While a few have broken through, most continue to face steep financial, cultural, and political barriers.
Since Nigeria returned to civil rule in 1999, women's participation in elective politics has remained low and uneven, despite their numerical strength as voters and party members. More than two decades into the Fourth Republic, the promise of inclusive democracy continues to elude Nigerian women, raising questions about whether the political system is designed to accommodate them at all.
In the first National Assembly of the Fourth Republic in 1999, only three women were elected into the Senate, while 12 secured seats in the House of Representatives. These figures immediately showed a troubling imbalance in representation. Although women played visible roles during the transition to democracy and in party mobilisation, their presence in decision-making spaces was minimal.
Over the years, the numbers fluctuated but never reached a level that could be described as representative. By 2015, there was a modest rise, with nine women elected into the Senate and 26 into the House of Representatives. This period was widely regarded as a high point for women's legislative participation in Nigeria. However, the gains proved fragile. In subsequent election cycles, the figures declined again.
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The 2023 general elections proved this regression. Only five women won seats in the Senate, while 15 made it into the House of Representatives. This decline occurred despite increased advocacy for gender inclusion and a growing number of female aspirants. The outcome has once again drawn attention to the deep structural barriers that limit women's access to political power and has reignited calls for constitutional and legal reforms to address the imbalance.
The persistent under-representation of women is not a reflection of lack of interest or competence. Rather, it is rooted in a political environment shaped by money, violence, informal networks, and entrenched gender norms. Nigerian politics is expensive, competitive, and often hostile. Party primaries, which determine who eventually contests elections, are frequently influenced by financial power, patronage, and force. For many women, the cost of participation is simply too high.
Cultural expectations further complicate the situation. Leadership is still widely perceived as a male role, while women in politics are often subjected to stricter scrutiny than their male counterparts. Female aspirants are judged not only on their political ideas but also on their marital status, family life, and personal conduct. These pressures discourage many capable women from contesting elections or remaining in the political space.
Yet, despite these obstacles, some women have managed to break through the barriers and secure elective offices, leaving visible marks on Nigeria's political landscape. Their stories illustrate both what is possible and how difficult the journey remains.
One of the most prominent figures in this regard is Oluremi Tinubu, who represented Lagos Central in the Senate from 2011 until 2023. Over three terms, she established herself as one of the longest-serving female lawmakers in the Fourth Republic. Her political survival in a highly competitive environment demonstrated that women can build sustained careers in elective office, though often at great personal and political cost.
In the 2023 elections, Ireti Kingibe won the Federal Capital Territory senatorial seat under the Labour Party, defeating well-established political structures. Her victory was significant, not only because of the competitiveness of the FCT, but also because it challenged long-held assumptions about women's electability in major political battlegrounds.
Another notable example is Ipalibo Banigo, a former deputy governor of Rivers State, who was elected Senator for Rivers West in 2023. Her emergence reflected how prior executive experience can strengthen women's political credibility when party dynamics and alliances align in their favour.
At the level of the House of Representatives, women such as Boma Goodhead from Rivers State, Blessing Onyeche Onuh from Benue, Zainab Gimba from Borno, Miriam Onuoha from Imo, and Khadija Bukar Abba-Ibrahim from Yobe have also won seats at different times. Their victories cut across regions and political parties, reinforcing the point that women can succeed electorally in diverse contexts when given the opportunity.
However, these successes remain exceptions. They often depend on unusual combinations of political backing, personal resources, and favourable party decisions that are not available to most women. As a result, progress has been slow and easily reversed.
Beyond those who won elections are women who contested high offices and lost but still altered the political conversation. Their campaigns challenged traditional assumptions and expanded the boundaries of what women could aspire to in Nigerian politics.
Ebiti Ndok-Jegede's presidential bid in 2011, though unsuccessful, marked one of the few times a woman contested Nigeria's highest office in the Fourth Republic. Similarly, figures like Dayo Benjamins-Laniyi, who contested legislative positions at different points, used their campaigns to highlight the structural disadvantages faced by female aspirants. Though they did not win, their participation helped normalise women's ambition and encouraged public debate on gender inclusion.
These efforts, however, have not translated into broad-based change. Nigeria has never elected a female president or governor in the Fourth Republic, and women's representation in the National Assembly has consistently remained below 10 per cent. This is far below the 35 per cent affirmative action target contained in national gender policy documents.
The gap between policy aspirations and political reality has strengthened arguments that voluntary measures are no longer sufficient. Women's rights groups and civil society organisations have increasingly called for constitutional amendments, reserved seats, or legally enforceable quotas to guarantee women a minimum level of representation.
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Supporters of these proposals argue that Nigeria's political system is already deeply unequal and that corrective mechanisms are necessary to address long-standing exclusion. They point to examples from other African countries, such as Rwanda and Senegal, where legal quotas have significantly increased women's representation within a short period.
Opponents of quotas often raise concerns about tokenism and merit. However, the consistent failure of the existing system to produce inclusive outcomes has led many observers to question whether merit truly determines political success or whether the system merely protects entrenched interests.
More than two decades after the return to democracy, the experience of women in Nigeria's Fourth Republic reflects a pattern of limited progress, frequent setbacks, and sustained resistance. Individual women have broken barriers and left their mark, but the broader system continues to shut many others out.
As debates over constitutional reform intensify, the issue is no longer whether women are capable of leadership, but whether Nigeria's democratic framework is willing to create space for them. The answer to that question will shape not only the future of women's political participation but also the credibility of Nigeria's democratic project itself.
